Constitution, Civil Society and the Fight Against Radicalism: the Experience of Indonesia and Austria

The German scholar Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde (b. 1930) is reported to have said that “the free secular state lives on premises that it cannot itself guarantee”. These premises include the morality, commitment to public order and the like. In this train of thought, we may say that the constitution is in need of strong civil society so as to maintain the well-being of the state. This paper investigates the interplays between constitution and civil society in eradicating radical tendencies within Indonesian and Austrian society, most particularly within the Muslim communities of these respective countries. Islam is recognised as religion in both countries. The notions of “European Islam” and “Indonesian Islam” are believed to shape the current-state of eradicating radicalism in the two countries.


INTRODUCTION
7KH WHUP ³IXQGDPHQWDOLVP´ was initially employed by the American Protestants in the first half of the twentieth century.
They assign themselves as ³IXQGDPHQWDOLVWV´ WR VHW WKHP DSDUW IURP ³OLEHUDO´ 3URWHVWDQWV 7KH IXQGDPHQWDOLVP LQ this sense refers to the movement to return to ³EDVLFV DQG UHHPSKDVLVH WKH IXQGDPHQWDOV RI &KULVWLDQ WUDGLWLRQ´ QDPHO\ ³D OLWHUDO interpretation of Scripture and acceptance of FHUWDLQ FRUH GRFWULQHV´ $UPVWURQJ, 2001: xii). Since then, the term fundamentalism has been applied to other religions, including the rest Abrahamic religions (Islam and Judaism), Indian and Chinese religions.

Karen
Armstrong defines IXQGDPHQWDOLVP DV ³D PLOLWDQW IRUP RI SLHW\ whose objective is to drag God and religion from sidelines, to which they have been relegated in modern secular culture, and bring them back to the center VWDJH´ She JRHV RQ WR H[SODLQ WKDW IXQGDPHQWDOLVP LV ³D response to the spiritual crisis of the modern ZRUOG´ ZKLFK LV FRQWUDU\ WR WKH EHOief of some people who perceive LW DV ³D WKURZEDFN to some ancient forms´ RU ³FRQVFLRXV DUFKDLVP´ )RU $UPVWURQJ IXQGDPHQWDOLVP emerged most particularly after the Enlightenment (Aufklarung, renaissance), after which the piety based on myth and cult fell down. Fundamentalism can be seen as an experiment in offering new ways of being religious in Post-Enlightenment world (Armstrong, 2001: vii). At this regard, we may say that there are at least two ways of being religious in Post-Enlightenment era, namely: being fundamentalist and being progressive religious.  (Joseph and Ridel, 2008: 165-166).
³,VODPLVP´ LV FRQVWUXHG DV ³D QHZ movement of thought that endeavoured to GHILQH ,VODP SULPDULO\ DV D SROLWLFDO V\VWHP´ PRUH VSHFLILFDOO\ ³LQ NHHSLQJ ZLWK WKH WZR PDMRU LGHRORJLHV RI WKH WZHQWLHWK FHQWXU\´ This movement, which is mainly initiated by the Egyptian scholar Hassan al-Banna and the Indo-Pakistani scholar Abu al-A ¶la al-Mawdudi, justifies this new vision by the QRWLRQ RI D ³UHWXUQ´ QDPHO\ ³D UHWXUQ WR WKH texts and to the original inspiration of the ILUVW FRPPXQLW\ RI EHOLHYHUV´ al-salaf). Oliver Roy explains further that nowadays Islamism has undergone a change regarding its vision. It has been transformed into a type RI ³QHR-IXQGDPHQWDOLVP´ ZKLFK DLPV primarily at re-establishing the shari ¶a ,VODPLF ODZ ³ZLWKRXW LQYHnting new SROLWLFDO IRUPV´ 5R\, 1994: viii-ix). Roy (1994: 4-5) goes on to elucidate the tendencies of Islamism. First, it sets ³DJDLQVW WKH FRUUXSWLRQ RI WLPHV DQG sovereigns, against foreign influence, political opportunism, moral laxity, and the IRUJHWWLQJ RI VDFUHG WH[WV´ 6HFRQG LW VHWV against colonialism and imperialism.
Some scholars are of the opinion that Islamism is not a single entity; there is a ³PLOLWDQW or radical ,VODPLVP´ EXW WKHUH LV DOVR ³PRGHUDWH ,VODPLVP´ (see : Miichi, 2011: 126-138). Pertaining to militant Islamism, Abdullah (2013: 76) puts it in the following words: ³They have also been responsible for social tensions in other places on several occasions and have certainly established themselves as the arch-enemies of humanity, the nation and the state. Indeed, these µmilitant Islamist ¶ organisations have created an ideological dilemma among Muslims. Based on the idea of establishing a society that is supposed to be a genuine reflection of the totality of Islamic doctrine, these groups aspire to recreate a universal Islamic state ± as if the age of the Prophet and the Four Caliphs (the closest friends of the Prophet) could be recovered in the modern era. Apparently, these organisations and their supporters believe that the course of history and geographical distance have no role to play in the efforts to build a society blessed by God Almighty.´ 7KH WHUP ³UDGLFDOLVP´ ZDV ILUVWO\ XVHG in politics. The (political) radicalism designates the movement which aspires ³H[WUHPH FKDQJH RI SDUW RU DOO Rf the social RUGHU´ ,W LV ZRUWK PHQWLRQLQJ WKDW WKH ZRUG ZDV ³ILUVW XVHG LQ D SROLWLFDO VHQVH LQ England, and its introduction is generally ascribed to Charles James Fox , who in 1797 declared for a ³radical reform´ consisting of a drastic expansion of the franchise to the point of universal manhood suffrage (the right to vote in electing public officials and DGRSWLQJ RU UHMHFWLQJ SURSRVHG OHJLVODWLRQ ´ 1 7KH WHUP ³UDGLFDOLVP´ KDV EHHQ WKHQ employed in the realms of religion. The religious radicalism designates a faith-based PRYHPHQW RU PRGH RI WKRXJKW WKDW ³LQFLWHV narrow-mindedness, intolerance and even KDWUHG´ (Timmermann et al, 2007: 8). It is worth mentioning that religious radicalism often targets both other religious doctrines and secular society. Religious radicalism is found in many religions. One may mention, IRU LQVWDQFH ³WKH &KULVWLDQ IXQGDPHQWDOLVWV in the US campaigning against the lax moral of their society and young Muslim men harassing Muslim girls in Western Europe because in their eyes the girls do not behave DFFRUGLQJ WR ,VODPLF UXOHV´ $QRWKer instance LQ -XGDLF WUDGLWLRQ ZRXOG EH ³WKH FULPHV FRPPLWWHG E\ -HZV RQ 0XVOLPV LQ ,VUDHO´ (Timmermann et.all, 2007: 9).
It is of particular interest to investigate the role of constitution and civil society in eliminating extremist tendencies within Indonesian and Austrian society, most specifically within the Muslim communities of these respective countries. Such an investigation is based on the assumption that the constitution needs strong civil society in order to keep up the well being of the country. LGHRORJ\´ 6XFK FRHUFLRQ IURP VWDWH apparatuses will trigger the resistance from a certain elements of the society. This coercion can be observed for instance during the New-Order Indonesia  in which the state apparatuses enforced the adoption of Pancasila as the sole principle (asas tunggal) to every organizations at the country.

THE EXPERIENCE OF INDONESIA
It is interesting to look into the competing interpretations of Pancasila during the New Order-Indonesia. One publication points out that the competing interpretation of the Pancasila during this era shows the political antagonism, which does not meet any rational solution. This is due to the tensions between two main forces ZLWKLQ WKH ,QGRQHVLDQ VRFLHW\ ³VHFXODU QDWLRQDOLVWV´ DQG ³,VODPLF IXQGDPHQWDOLVWV´ (Wahyudi, 2015: 3-4 The first is ³the marginalized, radical secular nationalists´. This category refers to the attitudes of secular nationalists that are mainly anti radical Islam and anti-to all ideas of Islamism. Their ideological orientations are communitarian and republican-oriented, but they may also be aware or unaware of their ideological positions and be blind to the risks of excluding Islamic politics for the sake of the principle of state secularism.
The second FDWHJRU\ LV ³WKH mainstream, compromised secular QDWLRQDOLVWV ´ 7KLV JURXS LV JHQHUDOO\ unaware of its ideological orientations and does not bother with questions of ideological principles in dealing with radical Islam and the groups of Islamism. Members of the group may have liberal or communitarian orientations, but they are mostly unreflective of their own ideological positions and their attitudes to radical Islam can be opportunistic. This means that they generally compromise their secular principles for the sake of power or other reasons.
The last JURXS RU FDWHJRU\ LV ³WKH reformist, enlightened secular QDWLRQDOLVWV ´ 7KLV JURXS RI VHFXODU nationalists is aware of and can be thoughtful of their ideological orientations and preferences, which mostly are liberal in orientation. They have a considerable tactical or even strategic calculation in dealing with radical Islam. They do not appear willing to compromise their political principles and show a strong commitment to political transformation and public engagement.

7KH
³ ,QGRQHVLDQ &RQVWLWXWLRQ³ (Undang-undang Dasar 1945, abbreviated as UUD 1945 is the basis of all regulations in Indonesia. This constitution was issued in 1945 and amended four times during the period of 1999-2002. The preamble of this constitution mentions that the Pancasila is the basis of Indonesian state. In other words, it constitutes the Indonesian state ideology.

The
Indonesian constitution guarantees the people ¶s freedom in practicing their respective religions. This can be observed from the chapter 11 article 29 of the constitution, which reads as follows: 1. Negara berdasar atas Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa; 2. Negara menjamin kemerdekaan tiap-tiap penduduk untuk memeluk agamanya masing-masing dan untuk beribadat menurut agama dan kepercayaannya itu 2 1. The nation is based on the belief in one God; 2. the state guarantees the people ¶s freedom to embrace and practice their respective religion.
This religious freedom is also stressed in another article of the constitution, namely chapter 10, article 28E. This article reads as follows: 1. Everyone has the freedom to embrace a religion and to worship according to his religion, to choose education, employment, citizenship, to choose a place to stay in the territory of the country and to leave it, and he is also entitle to return; 2. Everyone has the right to adhere to a certain belief, to express his mind and attitude, in accordance with his conscience; 3. Everyone has the right to freedom of association, assembly, and expression.
The government limits the number of recognized religions in the country. This can be observed from the first principle of state ¶s ideology, namely ³EHOLHI LQ RQH *RG´. This pillar implies the obligation of every citizen to embrace a religion; accordingly the government regards those who do not attach themselves to any one religion as subversive (Franke, 2006: 61-82). This is most notably due to the government ¶s alertness to the former Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). Some government officials seem to simply equate communism with atheism.
The government also forces some religions to adjust their respective doctrines in order to be consistent to the principle of monotheism. This can be observed, for example, from the case of Buddhists who promoWHG WKH SULQFLSOH RI ³$GLEXGGKD´ DV the only Buddhist God that should be assigned to conform to the Pancasila SULQFLSOH RI ³EHOLHI LQ RQH *RG´ 7KH %DOLQHVH Hindus likewise devised the principle RI ³,GD 6DQJ +\DQJ :LGKL :DVD´ WKH $OO-One God), in order to be consistent with the principle of ³,QGRQHVLDQ ,VODP´ LV considered by many scholars to have its distinctive characters. The compatibility between Islam and democracy constitutes one of the most LPSRUWDQW IHDWXUHV RI ³,QGRQHVLDQ ,VODP´. Some scholars are convinced that it is most notably due to this distinctive feature of ³,QGRQHVLDQ ,VODP´ that the process of democratization in Indonesia continues and likely to succeed. The case is different from the experiences of some Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa, which underwent WKH ³$UDELF VSULQJ´ RI GHPRFUDF\ but regrettably did not last longer.
Some scholars have done their best to unearth the features RI ³,QGRQHVLDQ ,VODP´ Azra (2013: 63-74), for instance, highlights the distinctive features of ³,QGRQHVLDQ ,VODP´ For him, these features comprise: (a) nonviolent spread (penetration pacifique) of Islam; (b) culturally embedded, namely encountering cultural enrichment without losing its own cultural roots; (c) rich heritage; (d) Pancasila state; (e) engagement of women in public; (f) mainstream organizations, which hold their moderate standpoint; (g) radical groups, which are undersized but somewhat vocal; (h) empowerment of the moderates, as an equilibrium to the discourses and actions of the radicals.
In Indonesia, radical Islamic groups are present during the Old Order, New Order and Reformation Era, but it is most notably during the Reformation Era that radical Islamic groups increase their visibility and activism in the Indonesian public sphere. What is distinct to Indonesia is that the number of these radicals is relatively tiny, and that there are counter-discourses and praxis made by the moderate Muslim personages and groups.
The nature and IXWXUH RI ³,QGRQHVLDQ ,VODP´ are determined in some ways by the discourses and praxis of the moderates as well as their interplays with the radicals, so as to minimize the radicalism within the Muslim community, in particular, and the Indonesian society, in general.

Indonesian Islamic Civil Society and the Prevention of Radicalism
)RU PDQ\ VSHFLDOLVWV WKH WHUP ³FLYLO VRFLHW\´ necessitates the two conditions, namely individualism and democratic institution. Due to this strict definition, some specialists reject the possibility of the existence of civil society in a Muslim country. Some scholars suggest that is due to the projection of Western concept of civil society to the realities in the Muslim world, which are in some ways distinct to that of the Muslim world (Kamali, 2006: 38-39 (a) relative autonomy of a societal sphere from the state; (b) relative autonomous access of some societal actors to the state or its elite; (c) existence of a relatively independent public sphere; (d) legal and/or normative protection of societal agents and institutions (e) H[LVWHQFH RI D ³VROLGDU\ VSKHUH´ EDVHG RQ redistribution of resources.

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Social capital, in tKLV VHQVH UHIHUV WR ³WKH norms and networks that enable people to act collectively, provides a common frame of reference for conducting conversations about these important issues across disciplinary, methodological, ideological, and cultural lines, conversations which are vital --indeed necessary to the resolution of many of the issues themselves--but which otherwise RFFXU WRR UDUHO\´ : RROFRFN, 2011: 197-198). Miller (2011: 257-259) rightly points out that religion may contribute both positively and negatively to the civil society. As for the possible positive contributions, he puts in the following words: First, it provides a place where moral conversation is encouraged, where people can debate ideas and policies and hone their arguments about what is right and wrong. Second, vibrant religious institutions inspire their members to act out their convictions²through voting, public demonstrations, and other political acts that embody their moral values. Third, religious institutions have a long history of establishing schools, social service agencies, and responding to crisis situations related to natural disasters such as earthquakes, floods, and drought. Fourth, religious institutions provide opportunities for human community through music, the arts, and various means of caring for one another. And fifth, religious institutions have time-honoured means of dealing with rites of passage: birth, puberty, marriage, childrearing, and death, the final passage.
Miller ( 2011: 257-258) is also aware the negative potential of religion for the betterment of civil society. This is observable from the following quotation: ³...it is also true that religion has the potential to inflict great harm, especially if it becomes an instrument of the state or an uncritical advocate for sectarian or corporate interests. For example, clergy have openly supported genocide and totalitarian leaders, and they have justified the privileges of the social elite, who sometimes are their patrons.´ Islamic Civil Society in Indonesia nowadays is represented most particularly by the Muhammadiyah (The Followers of the Prophet Muhammad) and the Nahdlatul Ulama (The Awakening of Religious Scholars). The Muhammadiyah was founded in 1912. This particular movement represents the orthodox-puritanical tendency within Islam in the Indonesian Archipelago. It runs some modern schools, orphanages and hospitals.
A few years later, in 1926, another organisation called the Nahdlatul Ulama was established. This particular organisation is considered to be the stronghold of traditionalist orthodox thought among the majority of religious scholars (µXODPD ¶ LQ WKH Indonesian Archipelago (Niewenhuijze, 1985(Niewenhuijze, : 1229. It augmented the authority of µXODPD ¶ within the Muslim society (Burhanuddin, 2007: 4).
The years 1983-1984 was crucial in the development of the Nahdlatul Ulama, since the major change of social and political orientation of the Nahdlatul Ulama took place during this period. Nahdlatul Ulama once participated as a political party during the first Indonesian general election in 1955. Van Bruinessen and Wajdi (2006: 205-206) rightly pointV RXW RUJDQL]DWLRQ ¶V National Congress decided that the Nahdlatul Ulama should return to its original feature (khitta) as non-political religious and social organization. This decision was met by considering the fact that a number of conflicts with the government pertaining issues of religious concern (marriage legislation, formal recognition of heterodox religious movements) took place. In addition, there was also the phenomenon of sidelining of vocal Nahdlatul Ulama politicians.

Indonesian Islamic Civil Society
Organizations are distinct to those of some Muslim countries (most notably the Jamaat-i Islami in Pakistan and the Muslim Brotherhood in Egpyt), in the sense that Indonesian Civil Society Organizations (most notably the Nahdlatul Ulama and the Muhammadiyah) demonstrate their commitment to Indonesian nationalism and constitutional governance (Hefner 2013: 58).
In this train of thought, Islam in Indonesia, or Indonesian Islamic Civil Society Organizations, may play a role in the consolidation of democracy in Post-Suharto ,QGRQHVLD ³,QGRQHVLDQ ,VODP´ LV EHOLHYHG E\ many specialists to have its distinct features, of which the most striking is the compatibility between Islam and democracy. 7KLV GLVWLQFW FKDUDFWHU RI ³,QGRQHVLDQ ,VODP´ is considered to be able to explain why the process of democratization in Indonesia persist and likely to succeed, which is different from the experiences of Muslim countries in the Middle East and North $IULFD ZKLFK HQFRXQWHUHG WKH ³$UDELF VSULQJ´ RI GHPRFUDF\ EXW XQIRUWXQDWHO\ GLG not last longer.
Since mid-1998 Indonesia has underwent a transition from authoritarianism to democracy, and this process is uncompleted. The continuing success of this transition is relied on the moderation of two mainstream Islamic civil society organizations (the Nahdlatul Ulama and the Muhammadiyah) as well as the new Indonesian Muslim middle class (Hefner, 2013: 62).
The efforts of eradicating radicalism have been undertaken by the Nadlatul Ulama and the Muhammadiyah. This can be observed from the position of these two institutions as well figures within these institutions such as Abdurrahman Wahid, Salahuddin Wahid (see Widiyanto, 2014: 271-307), Sinta Nuriyah Wahid (see Widiyanto 2015: 1-24), Said Aqil Siradj, Syafi ¶i Ma ¶arif and Din Syamsuddin.
Ahmad Mustofa Bisri (b. 1944), one of the figures of the Nahdlatul Ulama, belongs to the scholars-activists who are actively engaged in eradicating radicalism and nurturing pluralism in Indonesia, most particularly among the Muslim community. He actively makes use of social media, most specifically Twitter and Facebook, since he feels that these media are easily accessed by the people. He promotes inner-Islamic pluralism, criticize fundamentalist tendency within the Muslim community, and is involved in interfaith dialogue and cooperation. In addition, he criticizes the Majelis Ulama Indonesia (The Council of  Indonesian Muslim Scholars), most particularly when it issued a fatwa condemning religious pluralism (see Widiyanto, 2016: 34-57).
As for the importance of the Muhammadiyah and the Nahdlatul Ulama, Bisri SRLQWV RXW ³7KH 0XKDPPDGL\DK DQG the Nahdlatul Ulama serve as the bastion of the Indonesian state. Accordingly many parties strive to provoke these two organisations so as to come into conflict. If these two organisations are weak and influenced by others, the future of Indonesia ZLOO EH LQ GDQJHU´ +H JRHV RQ WR VWUHVV WKDW such strength is needed in eliminating the radicalism as for instance the teachings of ³,VODPLF 6WDWH RI ,UDT DQG 6\ULD´ ,6,6 4 The leader of the Muhammadiyah Din Syamsuddin (2010: 195) argues that the Nahdlatul Ulama and the Muhammadiyah should be acknowledged as pillars of democracy, since they play a role in advocating good governance. Syamsuddin goes on to explain that Islamic Civil Society 2UJDQL]DWLRQV KDYH ³VWUHQJWKHQHG democracy in various ways, including asserting compatibility of Islamic values to democracy, supporting legal or judicial reform, encouraging good governance, strengthening cultural base for democracy, taking part in conflict resolution, and promoting interfaith and intercultural GLDORJXH´ Democratic consolidation is conceived differently among scholars. Some are convinced that democratic consolidation is concernHG ZLWK ³WKH µSRVLWLYH ¶ WDVNV RI deepening a fully liberal democracy or completing a semi-GHPRFUDF\´ 6RPH RWKHUV VWUHVV ³WKH µQHJDWLYH ¶ FKDOOHQJHV RI LPSHGLQJ the erosion of liberal democracy or else, avoiding the breakdown of whatever minimal kind of demRFUDF\ ZH KDYH LQ SODFH´ (Schedler, 2001: 67

Indonesian Strategies in Countering Radicalism
Indonesia ¶s success story in confine the extreme tendencies within the society has attracted the attention from many European agencies and scholars. The Research Director of the Swedian Center for Asymmetric Threat Studies Magnus Ranstorp, for instance, reveals his observation on Indonesia ³,QGRQHVLD ZDV FKRVHQ VLQFH WKH country has frequently been described as a major success story. As one of the largest Muslim countries in the world, Indonesia has successfully stemmed widespread development of violent radicalization as well as marginalized Jemaah Islamiyyah, an indigenous terrorist movement with regional DQG WUDQVQDWLRQDO WHQWDFOHV´ 5DQVWRUS, 2009: 2). Ranstorp (2009: 3) goes on to evaluate Indonesian measures of marginalising extremist elements: ³The various measures in Indonesia that aim to preserve the basic system Pancasila, that is promotion of a tolerant and moderate interpretation of Islam and marginalization of extremist forces, are often carried out in an unorganized manner and on different strategic and tactical levels. Not only is there often no comprehensive idea of how various initiatives are connected, there is no unified national, regional or local strategy for how the various tools are designed in relation to the desired message or which target groups should be reached. This need not necessarily entail a problem since the various initiatives work well on different levels and for different target groups. However, it is more difficult to evaluate whether the individual initiatives are truly effective from long and short term perspectives.´ Ranstorp (2009: 9-18)  In countries like Tunisia, where sectarianism is less of a factor but unemployment remains at a crushing 40 percent for those under 35, it has exploited resentment at economic exclusion to appeal to marginalized youth. In this way, ISIS superimposes its global ideological narrative onto local contexts, presenting itself as the solution to local JULHYDQFHV´ It is worth remarking that ISIS had its greatest recruiting successes from in societies which endured the dictatorship.
ISIS has successfully taken advantage of these problems and grievances to establish their own image as alternative. One may say WKDW ,6,6 ³RIIHUV D IDOVH FKRLFH EHWZHHQ H[WUHPLVP DQG GLFWDWRUVKLS´ ZLWKRXW awaring that there is another feasible alternative, namely democracy.

Austrian constitution
The Federal Constitutional Law 1920, as amended in 1929(Das Bundes-Verfassungsgesetz 1920in der Fassung 1929, is considered to be the main Austrian constitution. All the basic issues of the structure of the state, democracy and the courts are governed by the Federal Constitution (Das Bundes-Verfassungsgesetz, often abbreviated as B-VG). 5 The Federal Constitution 1920 was decided as the Constitution of the new Republic of Austria after politicians and jurists advised long about it and had negotiated. The Constitution was the result of difficult negotiations, and it was therefore considered by the parties as the greatest possible compromise. Among the most important personalities in the negotiations included the First  In contrast to many other countries, in Austria there is a necessity to adopt a large number of schemes as a ³FRQVWLWXWLRQDO ODZ´ (Verfassungsgesetz). This is often associated with difficult political negotiations, as there is always need a two-thirds majority in the National Council for a constitutional law. 8

The Recognition of Islam in Austria
Islam was recognised in Austria since 1912. This was rooted in the policy of the Austro-Hungarian Empire towards Bosnia and Herzegovina. The annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the Austro-Hungarian Empire created a challenge on how this large Muslim minority integrated themselves into non-Muslim majority state. The formation of new hierarchical organisation of Islamic community in 1882 marked the first step of the Bosnians ¶ endeavours to integrate themselves into Austrian society. This organisation later served as a model of the founding RI ³,VODPLF )DLWh Community in $XVWULD´ Islamische Glaubengemeinschaft in Österreich, IGGiÖ) in 1979 (Lohlker, 2012: 12 Heine, Lohlker and Potz (2012: 18) underline the significance of recognition of religious community in the following words: ³In modern constitutional and legal state an especially constructed protection against discrimination are guaranteed not only by religious liberty, but also by the appropriate legal forms of religious communities and their activities. Corporate religious rights are therefore ideal in a special way as an institutional network for guaranteeing minority rights to immigrants ´ At this regard, we may observe that the context of recognition in Indonesia is distinct to that in Europe. In Indonesia, the recognition is rooted in the state ideology Pancasila. The first pillar of this state ideology is the belief in one God, which clearly exhibits. One may say that this principle of monotheism is modelled on Islam accordingly religions other than Islam have to conform to this principle. In Europe, church structure and profile serve as a model of recognising other faith communities. Church structure shows a limited degree of plurality. This will create a problem if this structure is applied to Muslim community, since their diversity is high.
In Austria, the recognition of religious community is issued by the Ministry of Culture and Education (Kultusministerium). One religious community should at least comprise of 16,000 members, in order to be recognised as a religious community. The Iraq Shiites in Austria cannot give the exact numbers of their members, since for them is dangerous if they have to collect their passports. Prof. Rüdiger Lohlker (chair of Islamic studies) and Prof. Stephan Procházka (chair of Arabic studies) were asked to provide recommendation pertaining to the Shiites in Austria. Such a recommendation is an indication that the university is involved in the policy of religion not only in pure scholarly matters (Discussion with Lohlker, November 3, 2015).
It is worth UHPDUNLQJ WKDW ³,VODPLF /DZ ´ GLG QRW deal with the implementation of injunctions of shari ¶a for the Austrian Muslims, but rather concerned with the state regulations pertaining to the rights and obligations of Muslims in Austrian public sphere (Discussion with Baghajati, October 20, 2015).
The Bosnians had enjoyed special cultural and religious assurance most notably polygamy, women ¶s veil (hijab), inheritance, and patronage (Ehrschutz) which had been fixed legally but unfortunately did not have chance to be part RI WKH ³,VODPLF /DZ ´ 7KH ³,VODPLF /DZ ´ KRZHYHU ZDV D EHVW JLIW WR WKH 0XVOLP community since guarantied the equality of Muslims and Islam within Austrian system. This law also made possible the establishment of IGGiÖ in the year 1979. This provides a legal model of modern European society, which allots place for Islam, recognises its values, and is aware of the contribution of Islam in shaping European society (Shakir, Stanfel and Weinberger, 2012: 123).
There was discussion among Austrian 0XVOLPV SHUWDLQLQJ WR WKH ³,VODPLF ODZ ´ which was only concerned with the Hanafite. Some people looked for recommendation from the Turkey government which hinted that legal schools in Islam are different from those of other religions. The Hanafite, Shafiite, Hanbalite and Malikite which are known in the Muslim world as legal schools (madhhab) are equally orthodox. The IGGiÖ which was established in 1979 declared that that they not only represented four Sunni legal schools but also Twelver Shiism, Ibadism and Zaidism (Potz, 2012: 120).
In the year 1987 the court took a GHFLVLRQ WKDW WKH DUWLFOH RQ ³DFFRUGLQJ WR WKH ULWHV RI +DQDILWH´ LQ WKH ³,VODPLF /DZ RI ´ ZDV DEURJDWHG 7KH DUJXPHQW ZDV WKDW the religious neutral state could not restrain a certain religious community since it fell into the unallowable discrimination and the attack on independency of Islamic community. This brings consequence to the statute of the IGGiÖ, and accordingly the IGGiÖ changed one of statute ¶V DUWLFOHV ³DOO DGKHUHQWV RI ,VODP ZKR OLYH LQ $XVWULD´ 3RW] 2012: 121).

³1HZ
,VODPLF /DZ´ Neue Islamgesetzt) was issued on February 25, 2015 by the Austrian parliament. Many people suppose that this new regulation is aimed at marginalising extremist tendencies within Muslim community. The terror attacks in some places of the world, most particularly which are committed by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), are considered as the backgrounds in issuing this regulation.
In Austria about 560,000 Muslims live. Most of them are hailing from Turkey, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Chechnya and Iran. It is assumed that about two hundred of them, including women and minors, have already joined terrorist militia ISIS. 9 This number is significant and it constitutes 0.00035 percent of the Muslim population in the country.
:LWK WKLV ³1HZ ,VODPLF /DZ´ WKH government strives to counteract extremist religious tendencies and create rules for a ³European-style Islam´ 7KH PLQLVWHU RI foreign affairs and integration Sebastian Kurz E VDLG ³:KDW ZH ZDQW LV WR reduce the political influence and control from abroad and we want to give Islam the chance to develop freely within our society and in line with our common European YDOXHV´ 10 Kurz went on to say that the law aims at granting more rights for Austrian Muslims, as well as avoiding undesirable developments. 11 Elsewhere, Kurz explained, ³:H GR QRW have the challenge (with other religions) that we have to worry about the influences from foreign nations and for that reason, we have to be a bit stricter about the financing from IRUHLJQ FRXQWULHV LQ WKH FDVH RI ,VODP´ 12 7KLV ³1HZ ,VODPLF /DZ´ WULJJHUHG D GHEDWH within Austrian Muslims, most particularly pertaining to the funding from overseas. This is due to the fact that most of the mosques in Austria have been supported by the government of Turkey, and accordingly such a regulation from Austrian government will weaken the financial state of the mosques in question. Some Austrian Muslim are not happy with the new Islamic law issued by the Austrian government since he observes that in this law he finds a clause that the Federal Chancellor can anytime cancel this law. According to them, the old Islamic law was more rooted in the constitution (Discussion with SR, November 26, 2015).
The debate RQ ³1HZ ,VODPLF /DZ´ was followed with interest by the people in some other European countries. This can be observed for instance in France, which witnessed the Islamist attacks the weekly magazine Charlie Hebdo in 2011 and 2015, and accordingly the government thinks of stricter rules. In this regard, the Austrian minister of foreign affairs and integration Sebastian Kurz pointed out the text of the law can serve as a basis for European regulations. He also stressed, Islamic clerics have to be positive role models to young Muslims. 13 7KLV ³1HZ ,VODPLF /DZ´ has specific features: (a) the precondition for the acquisition of legal status include a positive attitude towards society and the State (b) the imams from abroad may only serve in Austria for maximum one year (c) the pastoral care are to be carried out by those who have capacities in ³>Islamic religious societies regulate and manage their internal affairs independently. They are free in teaching of creed and doctrine and have the right to publically practice their religion.
Islamic religious societies enjoy the same level of legal protection as any other recognized religious communities; their doctrines, facilities and practices also enjoy this protection provided they do not contradict any legal stipulations. Religious communities or other subdivisions, including their members should prefer to stick to the general state rules rather than their intra-religious social rules or teachings, provided that in each case, applicable state law does not provide for such a possibility].´ It is particularly the stipulation ³UHOLJLRXV FRPPXQLWLHV RU RWKHU VXEGLYLVLRQV including their members should prefer to stick to the general state rules rather than their intra-religious VRFLDO UXOHV RU WHDFKLQJV´ WKDW WULJJHUHG D UHDFWLRQ IURP WKH ³,VODPLF )DLWK &RPPXQLW\´ ,**Lg 7KLV FDQ EH perceived from the following quotation: ³The Islamic community said they also objected to wording that state law takes precedence over religious rules, a phrase that does noW H[LVW HOVHZKHUH ³,W V as if they believe Sharia law will take over $XVWULD´ %DJKDMDWL VDLG ³:H YH VDLG RYHU and over in countless statements that we stand for pluralism, rule of law and HTXDOLW\´ 16 7KH ³1HZ ,VODPLF /DZ´ LV DOVR concerned with the interaction between religious communities and the state. This can be discerned from the Part Five, Section 7ZHQW\ 7KUHH RI WKLV ODZ ³'LH 9HUIDVVXQJ ³>The religious community and the Republic are obliged to inform each other pertaining to events affecting a matter of this federal law. This is especially true for the initiation and termination of procedures and orders of detention for the people referred to in the section 14 and 21, and for intra-religious society appeals against elections in the religious society or in a religious community].´ ,Q DGGLWLRQ WKH ³1HZ ,VODPLF Law´ Ls concerned with religious events so as not to run in counter with the public order. This is observable from the following excerpts: µ:KDWHYHU LV :HVWHUQ LV DQWL-,VODPLF ¶ RU µ,VODP KDV QRWKLQJ LQ FRPPRQ ZLWK WKH :HVW ¶ 7KLV ELSRODU YLVLRQ LV widespread and gives some Muslims a sense of power, might, and legitimacy in Otherness. But not only is this bipolar and simplistic vision a decoy (and the claims that justify it are untruths), but the power it bestows is a pure illusion: in practice, the Muslims who maintain these theses only isolate themselves, marginalize themselves, and sometimes, by their excessive emotional, intellectual, and social isolation, even strengthen the logic of the dominant system whose power, by contrast, lies in always appearing open, pluralistic, and rational. 5. How to present picture, graph, photo, and diagram a. Picture, graph, figure, photo and diagram should be placed at the center b. Number and title should be typed above the picture, graph, figure, photo and diagram. c. Number and the word of the picture, graph, figure, photo and diagram should be typed in bold, 12pt Font Georgia and at the center, while title of them should be typed in normal (not bold). d. Number of the picture, graph, figure, photo and diagram should use an Arabic word (1, 2, 3 and so forth). e. Source of the picture, graph, figure, photo and diagram should be typed below the table, align text to the left, 10pt font Georgia. f. Picture, graph, figure, photo, and diagram should not be in colorful type (should be in white and black, or gray).
Example: Figure 1 Indonesian employment in agriculture compared to others sectors (% of the total employment) Source: World Development Indicator, 2005 6. Research findings This part consists of the research findings, including description of the collected data, analysis of the data, and interpretation of the data using the relevant theory

Referencing system
Analisa uses the British Standard Harvard Style for referencing system.

a. Citations (In-text)
Analisa uses in note system (intext citation) referring to the British Standard Harvard Style referencing system; format (last name of the author/s, year of publication: page number).
-&LWLQJ VRPHRQH HOVH ¶V LGHDV Example: Culture is not only associated with the description of certain label of the people or community, certain behavior and definite characteristics of the people but also it includes norm and tradition (Afruch and Black, 2001: 7) Afruch and Black (2001) explains that culture is not only associated with the description of certain label of the people or community, certain behaviour and definite characteristics of the people but also it includes norm and tradition.
-Citations; quotation from a book, or journal article Quotations are the actual words of an author and should be in speech marks. You should include a page number. Example:

7LEL
DUJXHV WKDW ³,VODPLVP is not about violence but as the order RI WKH ZRUOG ´ ,W KDV EHHQ VXJJHVWHG WKDW ³,VODPLVP is not about violence but as the order RI WKH ZRUOG´ 7LEL -Citations -Paraphrasing a book or journal article Paraphrasing is when we use someone else ideas/works and write them in our own words. This can be done two ways, either is correct. Example: Batley (2013) argues that some of the detainees in the bombing cases were members of JI.
It has been suggested that some of the detainees in the bombing cases were members of JI (Batley, 2013: 45).
-Citing a source within a source (secondary citation) Citing the source within a source, it should be mentioned both sources in the text. But, in the reference list, you should only mention the source you actually read. Example: Tibi (2012, cited in Benneth, 2014 argues that Islamism is not about violence but as the order of the world. It has been suggested that Islamism is not about violence but as the order of the world (Tibi, 2012 as cited in Benneth, 2014: 15).
-Citing several authors who have made similar points in different texts In text citations with more than one source, use a semi colon to separate the authors. Example: Understanding the cultural differences is an important element for mediation process (John, 2006: 248-289;Kevin and George, 2006: 153-154;Kriesberg, 2001: 375;Alaeda, 2001: 7).
-Citations -Government bodies or organizations If you reference an organization or government body such as WHO, the Departments for Education or Health, the first time you mention the organization give their name in full with the abbreviation in brackets, from then on you can abbreviate the name. Example : The World Health Organization (WHO VXJJHVWV WKDW«